Dai Bingguo Essay

Dai Bingguo Essay-5
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As good dialectical thinkers, CCP leaders have historically been quite reliable in abiding by the parameters they set out for themselves in terms of their theoretical assessments and prognostications.

As a very traditional CCP leader, Xi Jinping is no exception.

China’s regional neighbors—and the United States—should take at least some comfort from Xi’s affirmation of these important concepts.

He notes, for example, that China will continue to follow the path of “peaceful development,” or the notion that Beijing’s neighbors and other major partners may rest easy that China’s rise can only be accomplished by peaceful means and will only be pursued with an eye toward achieving “win-win” outcomes for all concerned.

CFAWC’s are exceedingly rare, and equally authoritative.

For example, judging from publicly available sources, there was only one such meeting during the entire decade-long tenure of Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao.As with so many of Xi’s initiatives during his brief time as party boss, it is noteworthy that he chose to sketch out at least the preliminary outlines of his foreign policy vision after barely two years in office.By contrast, Hu Jintao presided over his one CFAWC after nearly double that amount of time, in 2006.This concept encapsulates the CCP’s primary external strategic guideline and reflects the leadership’s judgment that China is enjoying a window in which a benign external security environment allows it to focus on its internal development.The precept is highly authoritative within the Chinese system, having been validated and revalidated now by three party congresses (the 16th in 2002, the 17th in 2007, and the 18th in 2012), and it is frequently referenced in official speeches and formal documents (such as China’s Defense White Paper).Against this backdrop, by couching his speech in theoretical terms, Xi is able to directly link well-established concepts in the CCP’s foreign policy cannon, like peaceful development and the POSO, with his own formulations, including the “China Dream,” “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” and the “twin centenary goals.” From the limited public coverage of his remarks at the CFAWC, State Councilor Yang Jiechi—as he did with his major article last year in the CCP’s leading theoretical journal—plays the role of validator-in-chief for Xi’s formulations.He credits Xi’s speech for embodying “the central Party leadership’s latest creative achievement in diplomatic theory.” By thus wrapping his major initiatives in theoretical garb, Xi is able to promote their authoritativeness within the Chinese system and, by extension, his personal standing in the leadership.Characterizing Xi’s concepts as the Party’s line, instead of simply policy formulations, also serves to insulate them from attacks by raising the cost of challenging them for any of Xi’s detractors.As a self-professed acolyte of deceased paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, however, Xi is well aware of the need to “link theory with practice.” It is perhaps somewhat ironic, then, that a major takeaway from his speech is the notion that its content seems to move China more rapidly away from Deng’s longstanding injunction for the country to maintain a low profile internationally.Peaceful development has been a mainstay of China’s diplomatic vocabulary for more than a decade.With China’s rapid military modernization, sizeable year-on-year defense budget increases, and forthright assertion of its territorial claims, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that peaceful development acts as an important conceptual brake on a runaway military buildup.

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